A police source told Haaretz that an Israeli combat helicopter arrived and began firing at Israelis attending the celebration, in addition to targeting Hamas fighters during the October 7th massacre.
A memorial service was recently conducted for 12-year-old Liel Hezroni, an Israeli girl from Kibbutz Be’eri who lost her life on October 7th during the military operation known as Al-Aqsa Flood, which was led by Hamas. Since her body has never been located, there was only a ceremony rather than a proper burial.
At first, Israeli officials reported that 1,400 Israelis, including 112 in Be’eri, had been slain that day by the Palestinian resistance. Despite the fact that Liel passed away on “Israel’s darkest day,” no government representative showed up to Liel’s funeral to send her family condolences. The Israeli government hasn’t even looked into her death or disclosed the circumstances of her passing to her family.
This is due to the likelihood that the Israeli army, rather not Hamas, killed Leil.
When two tank shells were fired into a Be’eri residence containing 15 Israeli prisoners and the 40 Hamas fighters holding them captive, Liel was killed.
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According to a police source, an investigation Israel admits it killed its own citizens at the Nova Music Festival.
Yasmin Porat, 44, is one of the two Israeli survivors of the attack. She claims that she spent several hours in the house with Liel and the other hostages, under the protection of fighters who treated them “humanely” and whose “objective was to kidnap us to Gaza.” not to kill us.
The mother of three Porat shockingly revealed to Kan that at the arrival of Israeli forces, “they eliminated everyone, including the hostages.” “There was a great deal of crossfire.”
Israeli forces’ role in the music festival attack
A formal inquiry by Israeli police into the attack at the Nova music festival close to the Gaza border supports the mounting allegations that people were murdered by the army. The initial story of 260 Israelis killed by Hamas is quickly coming apart as additional evidence comes to light and Israeli citizens demand inquiries.
A police source told Haaretz that an Israeli combat chopper arrived and began firing at Israelis attending the celebration in addition to targeting Hamas fighters. The number of deaths from the festival has now been revised to 364 per the police investigation.
According to a report published in Yedioth Ahronoth on October 15, Hamas purposefully disguised itself as a civilian organization to make it harder for pilots to tell them apart from Israelis. It is claimed that because of this, the pilots initially hesitated to strike ground targets but quickly started firing randomly:
“The rate of fire against the thousands of terrorists was tremendous at first, and only at a certain point did the pilots begin to slow down the attacks and carefully select the target.”
The high number of casualties on October 7th can be partially explained by the occupation troops’ readiness to use overwhelming force in this manner. It also highlights the glaring contrast between two narratives: one portrays a homicidal, trigger-happy Hamas that slaughtered hundreds of people “indiscriminately,” while the other portrays Palestinian fighters who treated prisoners “humanely.”
In an interview last week on MSNBC, Israeli government spokesman Mark Regev acknowledged that the original estimate of 1,400 Israeli deaths from the resistance operation was erroneous. The number was reduced to 1,200 by the amended count.
Regev claimed that we “overestimated, we made a mistake.” “There were actually some severely burned bodies that we initially believed to be ours, but it turns out they belonged to Hamas terrorists.”
Logic demands that many Israelis suffered a similar fate if 200 Hamas fighters and Palestinians were burned so badly by tank and helicopter fire that they were unable to be identified. It might also clarify why, during her funeral, there was nothing left of Liel Herzoni’s body to bury.
Holes in Tel Aviv’s narrative
The second eyewitness to the incident in which Liel was killed, Hadas Dagan, corroborated that two shells were fired upon the arrival of the Israeli tank, following which “there was complete silence.” Not only did Liel die in the house, but so did her brother Yanai and their aunt Ayla, who reared them.
The two witness accounts that Israeli soldiers shelled homes in Be’eri and killed Israeli detainees therein were supported by a story published by Haaretz on October 20. According to Be’eri resident Tuval Escapa, whose spouse was slain in the attack, as reported by journalist Nir Hasson, it was:
“Only after the commanders in the field made difficult decisions – including shelling houses with their occupants inside to eliminate the terrorists along with the hostages – did the IDF [Israeli army] complete the takeover of the kibbutz. The price was terrible. A least 112 people from Be’eri were killed.”
“11 days after the massacre, the bodies of a mother and her son were discovered in one of the destroyed houses. It is believed that more bodies are still lying in the rubble.”, according to the Haaretz story.
On November 15, Liel’s relative and member of Kibbutz Be’eri, Omri Shafroni, was interviewed by journalist and television host Keren Neubach of the Israeli station Kan. Omri is still baffled as to how Liel died:
“I do not rule out the possibility that Liel and others were killed by IDF [Israeli army] fire. It could be that they died from the terrorists’ fire, or it could be that they died from the IDF’s fire, because there was a very heavy firefight. I don’t know and I don’t want to just say.”
However, in spite of the testimonials that have surfaced, he is incensed that the Israeli government is refusing to look into what transpired in Be’eri that day.
“We have known what Yasmin told for more than a month, we heard it from Yasmin and Hadas and from our people from the kibbutz whose relatives were killed there. But no official came and told us what happened in this house,” Omri laments:
“It is very strange to me that until now we have not conducted an operational investigation into an event in which 13 hostages were apparently murdered and no negotiations were carried out. Maybe an order was received that it is impossible to negotiate under these conditions? I don’t know, but until now we have not done any operational investigation. And no one is there to talk to us about what happened in the event.”
Should a directive really be obtained to shoot tank shells into a house occupied by Israeli settlers rather than engage in negotiations, this would indicate that Israeli military headquarters requested local commanders to carry out the divisive “Hannibal Directive.”
Extreme force for extreme ends
The command “allows soldiers to use potentially massive amounts of force to prevent a soldier from falling into the hands of the enemy,” according to the Times of Israel. This involves the potential to jeopardize the soldier’s life in an effort to keep him from being captured.
The report further stated, “Some officers, however, interpret the order to mean that soldiers should kill their comrade on purpose to prevent him from being taken prisoner.”
“From the point of view of the army, a dead soldier is better than a captive soldier who himself suffers and forces the state to release thousands of captives in order to obtain his release,” a Haaretz probe into the directive revealed.
Israeli commanders have previously encountered circumstances in which a single soldier was being kidnapped. However, everything changed on October 7th when their troops encountered a novel and unexpected circumstance: hundreds of Israelis were being transported as POWs to the heavily populated Gaza Strip.
Reserve Israeli Air Force Colonel Nof Erez said that when the military’s Apache helicopters came on the site, they elevated the Hannibal Directive to a new level in an interview with Haaretz on November 15:
“What we saw here was ‘mass Hannibal.’ There were many openings in the fence, thousands of people in many different vehicles, with hostages and without.”
A cover for genocide
It is unlikely that a formal investigation into the killing of Liel Hezroni and the approximately 1,200 other Israelis who were slaughtered with her will take place anytime soon, if at all.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has come under fire following the Al-Aqsa Flood for the intelligence lapses that contributed to the victory of the Palestinian resistance. Despite his vow, he won’t start the probe until after the conflict.
If an investigation is conducted, it is likely to reveal that Netanyahu and other Israeli officials believe that a 12-year-old Israeli girl who is dead is preferable to one who is imprisoned.
However, a sobering realization also dawns: it’s possible that a dead Liel Herzoni was used as a justification for the dehumanization of Gaza’s 2.3 million Palestinians, including over a million children, by calling them “human animals” and giving the world an excuse for the brutal, genocide-instigating actions of Israel that have been widely publicized on social media during the last six weeks.
Israel has been randomly carpet bombing Gaza since October 7, focusing its strikes on houses, mosques, churches, hospitals, and educational institutions. Over 14,000 Palestinian lives have been tragically lost as a result of this ongoing onslaught, with more than 5,000 of them being children.
Amid this unparalleled assault, one is forced to ask: what hope is left for the oppressed Palestinian population facing an offensive driven by rage-driven aggression, if Israel has little regard for the lives of its own settler-citizens? Of all, a “Hamas massacre” that might never have occurred “justifies” all of this.