How United Nations Funds Migrant Wave Flooding To The US

The United Nations is funding a migrant wave into the US and the evidence of this is frustratingly overwhelming. Unlike other efforts of immigration into the country, this one is significantly more organized.

How United Nations Funds Migrant Wave Flooding To The US

Bensman told Breitbart News last Monday on a reporting expedition to Tapachula, Mexico, where immigrants show up upon traversing Central America: “It is definitely organized.”

They’re giving money out at way-stations up and down the [migrant] trail … There’s a process [in Tapachula]: You get your Mexican [visa] papers, then you go to the UN building next door, get an appointment, and they interview you and look at your situation…  It’s not big money, and not all of them get it, but enough get it to sustain them so they don’t have to go home, and so they can go on to the next way station.

Bensman shared a video of migrants queuing for payment on Twitter:

The money will help poor African and Asian migrants endure the perilous journey via South America, the Darien Gap, Central America, and Mexico. Many migrants face surviving without food, shelter, or short-distance transportation if the UN funds are not available.

Migrant families are also supported by the UN, which is paid by taxpayers, while they sensibly find their route to jobs, neighborhoods, and K-12 schools in the United States:

Migrants can traverse thousands of miles on their journeys, guided by instructions from a cellphone-connected network. This migrant has covered more than half of his 5,000-mile journey from Venezuela to Las Vegas:

Before applying for UN funds, migrants in Mexico must first register with the Mexican government:

According to Bensman, the migrants are sensible and really want to work. They are aware that President Joe Biden’s pro-migration border commander, Alejandro Mayorkas, is secretly enabling many, but not all, of the worldwide migrants who appear at the US border to be caught and released.

Once in the United States, the migrants can work to pay off their smuggling debts, as well as persuade more of their family and friends to make the perilous journey, according to Bensman while adding:

It’s very simple: if there is a high chance your smuggling investment will yield a return — meaning you get in and work, legally or not, — you’ll come. If  [U.S. government officials] lower that chance, then you won’t come …. It’s not much more complicated than that.

The deluge was halted because President Donald Trump made sure that incoming migrants were deported home with outstanding smuggling debts. Migrants from Nigeria, for instance, must pay at least of $5,000 to enter South America, not including their other living expenses, he said. For some, “that’s lifetime-sized fortune,” he continued.

During the coronavirus outbreak, the pro-American strategy assisted Americans, particularly the impoverished, in obtaining jobs and better earnings.

However, Biden’s appointees want to admit around 1.5 million legal and illegal migrants in 2021, in an attempt to re-inflate the low-wage labor bubble that has aided corporate investors since the 1990 immigration-expansion act.

The United Nations hides its expenditures, and the US State Department hides its assistance to the UN’s many organizations, notably the International Organization for Migration.

In a December essay for, Bensman outlined his investigation of the UN’s finance system:

The public reporting as to how much the United States, through the State Department, gives IOM and how many got it is opaque at best. President Joe Biden’s 2022 budget calls for $10 billion in humanitarian assistance “to support vulnerable people abroad.” But there’s no detailed breakout.

A Fiscal Year 2019 summary (starting page 37) by the State Department’s Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM), which provides U.S. funding to the IOM and many other United Nations agencies, offers one clue of the pre-expansion levels. IOM spent more than $60 million in 2019 for activities in the northern part of South America, Central America, and Mexico during the so-called “caravan migrant crisis” earlier that year, the fiscal year report said.

State Department-funneled money helped IOM provide 29,000 people in the Western Hemisphere with cash and voucher assistance and supported 75 shelter waystations, the State Department report states on page 42, much like the one I visited in Reynosa. Along the northern border of Mexico in July 2019, at the height of a “caravan” crisis, the IOM provided 600 beds and essential items to the Mexican government and helped it expand existing shelters and build new ones to accommodate the “asylum seekers.”

As they try to make the transition from their impoverished, crowded, corrupt, and backward native countries to the efficient and prosperous United States, the migrants are reasonable.

Americans, on the other hand, are sensible in their refusal to allow hordes of migrants to flood their job markets, housing markets, schools, and voting booths.

Dating back to at least least 1990, the federal government has attempted to take individuals from impoverished nations so that they might serve US capitalists as low-cost labor, government-subsidized consumers, and high-density tenants.

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Truckers serve as transportation for the migrants who go in the caravan, facilitating their arrival at the Honduran border with Guatemala and thus being able to reach the United States on January 14, 2021 in San Pedro Sula, Honduras. (Milo Espinoza/Getty Images)

That economic plan has no end in sight, and it is detrimental to average Americans: it reduces job possibilities and earnings while increasing housing expenses.

The method also reduces American productivity, weakens their political clout, and worsens regional income disparities between Democratic coastal areas and Republican heartland states.

The economic policy has radicalized America’s democratic, compromise-oriented civic culture, allowing wealthy elites to disregard despondent Americans on the margins.

Unsurprisingly, a slew of little-publicized polls reveal widespread hostility to labor migration and the influx of temporary contract workers into positions desired by recent graduates in the United States.

The resistance is increasing, and it is anti-establishment, multiracial, cross-sex, non-racist, class-based, bipartisan rational, persistent, and it acknowledges the ties that bind Americans.

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