Scholz and Macron, once hopeful allies shaping the Franco-German axis, now stand at odds. Scholz, rooted in local politics, clashes fiercely with Macron, fueling the battle of the (mini-) Napoleons.

Olaf Scholz, the German Chancellor, and Emmanuel Macron, the President of France, should be concentrating heavily on working together at a time when the European Union’s strategic weight is quite pitiful and the continent’s economy is in free fall.

Why do the two men lock horns so fiercely?

It is more of a footnote that both men are quite short in stature (1.70 and 1.73 meters, respectively).

Channel 12 has reported that the most senior Israeli political source accused Biden of attempting to topple Netanyahu after the latest US intelligence assessment.

Two facts are far more important: first, they are both technocrats; second, they have such a strong belief in their intelligence that it makes them appear conceited

Polished vs. pedantic

Emmanuel Macron, on the other hand, excels at adding passion to his appearances. He does this on purpose to lessen his haughtiness. Furthermore, Macron enjoys having discussions with others.

On the other hand, Olaf Scholz finds it extremely difficult to show any emotion. He conveys a degree of tedium and pretense that almost appears purposefully designed to lull the German people to sleep.

Like a human steamroller

Scholz reflexively reverts to delivering his points like a human steamroller if the German Chancellor is being pressed in a debate, which occasionally gives him an almost autistic appearance.

Scholz, on the other hand, swiftly reverts to dismissiveness, frequently mixed with insults to his reputation. For instance, he said he was “not a circus ringmaster” in response to a recent question about whether he had shown too little passion in politics.

For Scholz, the buck stops … nowhere

All of these character attributes lead to a single, major issue: unlike Macron, Scholz has never demonstrated the ability to accept personal accountability for any unfavorable political outcome.

Scholz has been involved in several controversies, including mishandling the disastrous and extremely violent 2017 G20 meeting in Hamburg and two significant financial scandals (Cum Ex and Wirecard) that have his fingerprints.

Two men got lucky

But it’s not just their overwhelming self-confidence in their intelligence that makes Scholz and Macron alike. Their autobiographical bridge is also provided by the road that led them to become the president of France and the chancellor of Germany, respectively.

Macron essentially had to overthrow France’s entire, long-standing party system to win the presidency. He had to make a lot of difficult decisions throughout his 2017 presidential campaign while following that course. Remarkably, all of them worked out for him.

Rising to the top against incredible odds

Macron’s meteoric ascent was considerably more implausible than Olaf Scholz’s. And still, he faced extremely slim odds for his 2021 election campaign.

After all, over a large portion of the campaign, barely 15% of people supported his party. Similar to Macron, Scholz possesses a seemingly unwavering self-belief.

But the primary driver behind his ascent to the top was the bitter and extremely violent internal rivalry among the prospective chancellors, which was fostered by the CDU/CSU, which was still in power at the time.

A common base?

It was assumed that Scholz had more government experience than Macron, even though Macron is undoubtedly superior in terms of vision.

Macron, however, gains from the French presidential system, which grants a president considerable discretion in directing the nation’s political agenda. (It’s possible that Olaf Scholz liked this kind of government in secret as well.)

A “progress coalition” in the Franco-German framework?

Macron even readily embraced the new Berlin concept of a “progress coalition” and regarded it as a viable option inside the Franco-German framework in an attempt to revive the Franco-German drive.

Of course, he assumed that since nuclear power emits no CO2, Germans would view it as “progressive.”

Missed opportunity: Focusing on the other side of the historic Napoleon

From economic stimulus plans to social and technical modernization to a shared commitment to combating climate change, Scholz and Macron initially thought they had a lot of policy points in common.

The theme was evident even in history: highlighting the non-military aspects of the great Napoleon was all that was required of both men to construct a shared and cohesive impression.

Like Macron and Scholz, Napoleon was not just a rabble-rouser and conquistador but also possessed an almost magical confidence in his talents as a leader.

Napoleon’s legacy as an economic and civic reformer

Napoleon’s de facto role as a civic reformer was crucial for the modernization of the administrative and economic institutions of both countries, a reality that is sometimes overlooked today.

Napoleon and his administrators’ de-feudalization created the conditions for the bourgeoisie’s economic boom and a broader wave of wealth that eventually extended to other social classes.

They never found the way

Sadly, Scholz and Macron were never able to work together to mold the Franco-German partnership into what was intended to be an axis of development.

In complete contrast. Rather than drawing strength from their cooperation, they are now at odds in practically every manner imaginable. Germany’s Scholz is the more obstinate one in that bizarre duel.

He emphasizes the fact that he remains loyal to his roots virtually daily: the former mayor of Hamburg is, at his core, a local politician.